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FROM ARMED CONFLICT TO POLITICAL CONFLICT: TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS TRANSFORMED TO POLITICAL PARTIES

Year 2023, Volume: 14 Issue: 1, 188 - 214, 29.06.2023
https://doi.org/10.54688/ayd.1242889

Abstract

Terör örgütlerinin ve siyasi partilerin kullandıkları strateji farklı olmasına rağmen en belirgin ortak yanı siyasi bir hedefe sahip olmalarıdır. Terörizmin yaygın olduğu ülkelerde; yoksulluk, yolsuzluk, temsilde adaletsizlik, istikrarsızlık ve siyasal kurumların kapsayıcı olmadığı gözlenmektedir. Bir terör örgütünün şiddet eylemlerini terk edebilmesi için bu nedenlerin belli bir ölçüde ortadan kalkması gerekmektedir. Örgütlerin siyasi partiye dönüşmesi birçok yapısal ve stratejik faktörün bir araya gelmesi ile gerçekleşmektedir. Bu bağlamda, bir terör örgütünün yasal bir siyasi parti kimliğine dönüşmesinin nasıl ve hangi koşullarda gerçekleştiği çalışmanın konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Bunun için uzun bir tarihsel geçmişe ve önemli bir sosyolojik zemine sahip terör örgütleri karşılaştırmalı yöntemle incelenmiştir. Terör örgütlerinden siyasi partilere dönüşümün barış süreçleri ve kendi kendilerini fesih yoluyla gerçekleştiği gözlenmiştir. Terör örgütleriyle müzakerelerin başlaması; şiddetle herhangi bir çözüme varılamayacağının anlaşılması, örgütün zayıflaması, ciddi olarak uzlaşma ihtiyacının doğması, ulusal ve uluslararası kamuoyunun bu uzlaşmaya destek vermesi, çatışmayı motive eden faktörlerin çözümüne odaklanılması gibi benzer unsurların bir araya gelmesi ile mümkün olmaktadır.

References

  • Alonso, R. (2016). Terrorist skin, peace-party mask: the political communication strategy of Sinn Féin and the PIRA. Terrorism and Political Violence, 28(3), 520-540.
  • Álvarez, A. M. (2011). De guerrilla a partido político: El Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN). Historia y Política, 25(1), 207-233.
  • BBC News (2016). Colombia Referendum: Voters Reject Farc Peace Deal. October 3, 2016, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37537252.
  • Bew, J. (2011). The lessons of Northern Ireland: Collective amnesia and the Northern Ireland model of conflict resolution. IDEAS reports- special reports, N. Kitchen (Ed.) (SR008). LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. December 20, 2022, http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43487/.
  • Black, M. & Jabbour, R. (2023). Insurgent and Terrorist Groups’ Participation in Politics Reduces Violence. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 16(1), 2-19.
  • Boudon, L. (2001). Colombia’s M-19 Democratic Alliance: A case study in new-party self-destruction. Latin American Perspectives, 28(1), 73-92.
  • Brathwaite, R. (2013). The electoral terrorist: Terror groups and democratic participation. Terrorism and Political Violence, 25(1), 53-74.
  • Brún, B. de (2008). The road to peace in Ireland. Berghof Transitions Series 6. October 25, 2021, http://edoc.vifapol.de/opus/volltexte/2011/2553/pdf/transitions_sinnfein.pdf.
  • Call, C. T (2003). Democratisation, war and state-building: Constructing the rule of law in El Salvador. Journal of Latin American Studies, 35(4), 827-862.
  • Çınar, Y. (2017). Çatışmayı dönüştürme safhasında rehabilitasyon süreci: Kuzey İrlanda örneği. Bilgesam Yayınları.
  • Danzell, O. E. (2011). Political parties: When do they turn to terror? The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 55(1), 85-105.
  • Duhart, P. E. (2019). Talking with terrorists, talking with governments: İnsurgent perspectives on legitimisation and engagement. Critical Studies on Terrorism, 12(3), 395-415.
  • Gaibulloev, K., Piazza, J.A. & Sandler, T. (2017). Regime types and terrorism. International organization, 71(3), 491-522.
  • González, E., Varney, H., Günaysu, A. & Çelikkan M. (Ed.). (2013). Hakikat Komisyonları -Hakikatin peşinde: Etkili bir hakikat komisyonu yaratmanın bileşenleri. (Çev. N. Dikbaş). Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi.
  • Guilengue, F. (2014). RENAMO: A three-sided coin? Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southern Africa, International Politics Working Paper (03/2014).
  • Hall, M. (1990). The Mozambiquean National Resistance Movement (RENAMO): A study in the destruction of an African country. Africa, 60(1), 39-68.
  • Leonisio, R. (2022). Support for terrorism among voters for political wings of terrorist groups: Evidence from the Basque Country. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 1-20.
  • Lessa, A. (2003). La revolución imposible: los tupamaros y el fracaso de la vía armada en el Uruguay del siglo XX. Editorial Fin de siglo.
  • Macdonald, G. (2013). Güney Filipinler’de barış ihtimali ve karşılaşılan engeller. Democratic Process Institute.
  • Mansergh, M. (2011). The lessons of Northern Ireland: Counterterrorism and conflict resolution in Northern Ireland. IDEAS reports- special reports, N. Kitchen (Ed.) (SR008). LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. December 20, 2022, http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43486/.
  • Martin, S. (2014). Dilemmas of “going legit”: Why should violent groups engage in or avoid electoral politics? Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 6(2), 81-101.
  • NATO (2021). NATO’s military concept for defence against terrorism. November 21, 2021, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_69482.htm.
  • Oliverira, R. (2018). Mozambik’te uluslararası yardımın rolü: Devlet-donör ilişkileri (Yayımlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü.
  • Önderer, O. (1992). Farabundo Martí San Salvador’da. Bilge Yayınları.
  • Özçağatay, L. (1998). Kuzey İrlanda ve IRA. Papirüs Yayınları.
  • Özkan, M. (2018). Shaping peace processes: A comparison between Turkey and Colombia. Turkish Policy Quarterly, 16(4), 87-99.
  • Phelan, A. (2019). Engaging insurgency: The impact of the 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement on FARC's political participation. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 42(9), 836-852.
  • Piazza, J. A. (2010). Terrorism and party systems in the states of India. Security Studies, 19(1), 99-123.
  • Powell, J. (2011). Security is not enough: Ten lessons for conflict resolution from Northern Ireland. IDEAS reports- special reports, N. Kitchen (Ed.) (SR008). LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. December 20, 2022, https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43488/.
  • Preti, A. (2002). Guatemala: Violence in peacetime-A critical analysis of the armed conflict and the peace process. Disasters, 26(2), 99-119.
  • Segovia, A (2009). Transitional Justice and DDR: The case of El Salvador. Research Unit International Center for Transitional Justice, Special Report June.
  • Söylemez, H. & Kavak, H. Z. (2021). Moro Özerklik Arifesinde, İNSAMER -İnsani ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Merkezi. May 6, 2021. https://insamer.com/tr/moro-ozerklik-arifesinde_86.html.
  • Tokdemir, E. & Klein, G. R. (2021). Strategic ınteraction of governments and terrorist groups in times of economic hardship. Defence and Peace Economics, 32(6), 742-756.
  • Weinberg, L. (1991). Turning to terror: The conditions under which political parties turn to terrorist activities. Comparative Politics, 23(4), 423-438.
  • Whitfield, T. (2001). The UN’s Role in peace-building in El Salvador. In M. S. Studemeister (Ed.), El Salvador Implementation of the Peace Accords (C. 31, pp. 33-41). US Institute of Peace.
  • Wiegand, K. E. (2009). Reformation of a terrorist group: Hezbollah as a Lebanese Political Party. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 32(8), 669-680.
  • Yokuş, S. (2016). Filipinler’de Çatışma Çözümü ve Temel Yasa Tartışmaları. Democratic Process Institute.

FROM ARMED CONFLICT TO POLITICAL CONFLICT: TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS TRANSFORMED TO POLITICAL PARTIES

Year 2023, Volume: 14 Issue: 1, 188 - 214, 29.06.2023
https://doi.org/10.54688/ayd.1242889

Abstract

Although the strategy used by terrorist organizations and political parties is different, the most obvious thing in common is that they have a political goal. In countries where terrorism is widespread, it is observed that there are poverty, corruption, injustice in political representation, and instability, and non-inclusive political institutions. In order for a terrorist organization to abandon acts of violence, these reasons must be eliminated to a certain extent. The transformation of organizations into political parties takes place by combining structural and strategic factors. In this context, how and under what conditions a terrorist organization turns into a legal political party identity is the subject of this study. For this purpose, terrorist organizations with a long history and an important sociological basis are examined comparatively. It has been observed that the transformation to political parties takes place through peace processes and self-dissolution. Negotiations with terrorist organizations can start under a combination of conditions as follows; realizing that no solution can be reached with violence, weakening the organization, the emergence of a serious need for reconciliation, the support of the national and international public opinion for this reconciliation, focusing on the solution of the factors that motivate the conflict.

References

  • Alonso, R. (2016). Terrorist skin, peace-party mask: the political communication strategy of Sinn Féin and the PIRA. Terrorism and Political Violence, 28(3), 520-540.
  • Álvarez, A. M. (2011). De guerrilla a partido político: El Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN). Historia y Política, 25(1), 207-233.
  • BBC News (2016). Colombia Referendum: Voters Reject Farc Peace Deal. October 3, 2016, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-37537252.
  • Bew, J. (2011). The lessons of Northern Ireland: Collective amnesia and the Northern Ireland model of conflict resolution. IDEAS reports- special reports, N. Kitchen (Ed.) (SR008). LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. December 20, 2022, http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43487/.
  • Black, M. & Jabbour, R. (2023). Insurgent and Terrorist Groups’ Participation in Politics Reduces Violence. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 16(1), 2-19.
  • Boudon, L. (2001). Colombia’s M-19 Democratic Alliance: A case study in new-party self-destruction. Latin American Perspectives, 28(1), 73-92.
  • Brathwaite, R. (2013). The electoral terrorist: Terror groups and democratic participation. Terrorism and Political Violence, 25(1), 53-74.
  • Brún, B. de (2008). The road to peace in Ireland. Berghof Transitions Series 6. October 25, 2021, http://edoc.vifapol.de/opus/volltexte/2011/2553/pdf/transitions_sinnfein.pdf.
  • Call, C. T (2003). Democratisation, war and state-building: Constructing the rule of law in El Salvador. Journal of Latin American Studies, 35(4), 827-862.
  • Çınar, Y. (2017). Çatışmayı dönüştürme safhasında rehabilitasyon süreci: Kuzey İrlanda örneği. Bilgesam Yayınları.
  • Danzell, O. E. (2011). Political parties: When do they turn to terror? The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 55(1), 85-105.
  • Duhart, P. E. (2019). Talking with terrorists, talking with governments: İnsurgent perspectives on legitimisation and engagement. Critical Studies on Terrorism, 12(3), 395-415.
  • Gaibulloev, K., Piazza, J.A. & Sandler, T. (2017). Regime types and terrorism. International organization, 71(3), 491-522.
  • González, E., Varney, H., Günaysu, A. & Çelikkan M. (Ed.). (2013). Hakikat Komisyonları -Hakikatin peşinde: Etkili bir hakikat komisyonu yaratmanın bileşenleri. (Çev. N. Dikbaş). Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi.
  • Guilengue, F. (2014). RENAMO: A three-sided coin? Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southern Africa, International Politics Working Paper (03/2014).
  • Hall, M. (1990). The Mozambiquean National Resistance Movement (RENAMO): A study in the destruction of an African country. Africa, 60(1), 39-68.
  • Leonisio, R. (2022). Support for terrorism among voters for political wings of terrorist groups: Evidence from the Basque Country. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 1-20.
  • Lessa, A. (2003). La revolución imposible: los tupamaros y el fracaso de la vía armada en el Uruguay del siglo XX. Editorial Fin de siglo.
  • Macdonald, G. (2013). Güney Filipinler’de barış ihtimali ve karşılaşılan engeller. Democratic Process Institute.
  • Mansergh, M. (2011). The lessons of Northern Ireland: Counterterrorism and conflict resolution in Northern Ireland. IDEAS reports- special reports, N. Kitchen (Ed.) (SR008). LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. December 20, 2022, http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43486/.
  • Martin, S. (2014). Dilemmas of “going legit”: Why should violent groups engage in or avoid electoral politics? Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 6(2), 81-101.
  • NATO (2021). NATO’s military concept for defence against terrorism. November 21, 2021, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_69482.htm.
  • Oliverira, R. (2018). Mozambik’te uluslararası yardımın rolü: Devlet-donör ilişkileri (Yayımlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi). Ankara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü.
  • Önderer, O. (1992). Farabundo Martí San Salvador’da. Bilge Yayınları.
  • Özçağatay, L. (1998). Kuzey İrlanda ve IRA. Papirüs Yayınları.
  • Özkan, M. (2018). Shaping peace processes: A comparison between Turkey and Colombia. Turkish Policy Quarterly, 16(4), 87-99.
  • Phelan, A. (2019). Engaging insurgency: The impact of the 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement on FARC's political participation. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 42(9), 836-852.
  • Piazza, J. A. (2010). Terrorism and party systems in the states of India. Security Studies, 19(1), 99-123.
  • Powell, J. (2011). Security is not enough: Ten lessons for conflict resolution from Northern Ireland. IDEAS reports- special reports, N. Kitchen (Ed.) (SR008). LSE IDEAS, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. December 20, 2022, https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/43488/.
  • Preti, A. (2002). Guatemala: Violence in peacetime-A critical analysis of the armed conflict and the peace process. Disasters, 26(2), 99-119.
  • Segovia, A (2009). Transitional Justice and DDR: The case of El Salvador. Research Unit International Center for Transitional Justice, Special Report June.
  • Söylemez, H. & Kavak, H. Z. (2021). Moro Özerklik Arifesinde, İNSAMER -İnsani ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Merkezi. May 6, 2021. https://insamer.com/tr/moro-ozerklik-arifesinde_86.html.
  • Tokdemir, E. & Klein, G. R. (2021). Strategic ınteraction of governments and terrorist groups in times of economic hardship. Defence and Peace Economics, 32(6), 742-756.
  • Weinberg, L. (1991). Turning to terror: The conditions under which political parties turn to terrorist activities. Comparative Politics, 23(4), 423-438.
  • Whitfield, T. (2001). The UN’s Role in peace-building in El Salvador. In M. S. Studemeister (Ed.), El Salvador Implementation of the Peace Accords (C. 31, pp. 33-41). US Institute of Peace.
  • Wiegand, K. E. (2009). Reformation of a terrorist group: Hezbollah as a Lebanese Political Party. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 32(8), 669-680.
  • Yokuş, S. (2016). Filipinler’de Çatışma Çözümü ve Temel Yasa Tartışmaları. Democratic Process Institute.
There are 37 citations in total.

Details

Primary Language English
Subjects Policy and Administration (Other)
Journal Section Makaleler
Authors

Yaşar Pınar Özmen 0000-0003-2970-1110

Ruziye Tali 0000-0003-3650-1571

Publication Date June 29, 2023
Submission Date January 26, 2023
Published in Issue Year 2023 Volume: 14 Issue: 1

Cite

APA Özmen, Y. P., & Tali, R. (2023). FROM ARMED CONFLICT TO POLITICAL CONFLICT: TERRORIST ORGANIZATIONS TRANSFORMED TO POLITICAL PARTIES. Akademik Yaklaşımlar Dergisi, 14(1), 188-214. https://doi.org/10.54688/ayd.1242889