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17+1 PLATFORMU’NUN BEKLENMEYEN SONUÇLARI: AVRUPA YENİDEN Mİ BÖLÜNÜYOR?

Yıl 2021, , 187 - 210, 17.12.2021
https://doi.org/10.53791/imgelem.980267

Öz

2000 sonrası dönemde Çin, dünya tarihinin en önemli ekonomik mucizelerinden birini gerçekleştirmiştir. Çin dış politikasının öncelikleri, ülkenin ekonomik hedeflerine ulaşmasına katkıda bulunacak şekilde belirlenir hale gelmiştir. Merkezi ve Doğu Avrupa ile Batı Balkanlarda yer alan 17 ülkenin Çin ile başta ekonomik alanda işbirlikleri olmak üzere daha sıkı bağlar kurması üzere tasarlanan 17+1 Platformu, ülkenin bu yönde attığı adımlardan biridir. 17+1 Platformu Çin’i, Soğuk Savaşın ardından değişen dengeler neticesinde Avrupa’nın geleneksel olarak güç ve etki kazandığı bölgelerle buluşturmuştur. Bu çalışma kapsamında 17+1 Platformu yoluyla Merkezi ve Doğu Avrupa ve Batı Balkan ülkeleri ile ilişki kuran Çin’in, kapsanan bölgelerde AB’nin yerini almayı hedefleyen bir alternatif haline gelme arayışında olup olmadığı, kurulan ilişkinin kapsamı ile Platformun Çin, katılımcı ülkeler ve AB tarafından nasıl algılandığı temelinde ele alınacaktır. Çin-AB ilişkilerinin tarihsel boyutunun da kısaca kapsandığı çalışmanın sonunda, 17+1 Platformu örneği üzerinden Çin ve AB arasındaki ilişkinin geleceğine dair bir çıkarımda bulunulması hedeflenmektedir.

Kaynakça

  • Benner, T. ve J. Weidenfeld. (2018). Europe, don’t let China divide and conquer. Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/europe-china-divide-and-conquer/ Erişim: 22.06.2021).
  • Berkofsky, A. (2019). China and the EU: “Strategic Partners” No More. Institute for Security and Development Policy Issue Brief.
  • Brattberg, E. ve P. Le Corre. (2020). The EU and China in 2020: More Competition Ahead. Carniege Endowment for International Peace. https://carnegieendowment.org/2020/02/19/eu-and-china-in-2020-more-competition-ahead-pub-81096 (Erişim: 22.05.2021).
  • Budeanu, A. I. (2018). 16+1 in China-EU Relations: A Vehicle for a Sustainable Connectivity Platform. China-CEE Institute Working Paper.
  • Avrupa Birliği Dış İlişkiler Birimi. (2013). EU-China 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation. https://eeas.europa.eu/archives/docs/china/docs/eu-china_2020_strategic_agenda_en.pdf (Erişim: 08.04.2021).
  • ---. (2020). EU-China Relations Factsheet. https://eeas.europa.eu/topics/external-investment-plan/34728/eu-china-relations-factsheet_en (Erişim: 16.03.2021).
  • Avrupa Komisyonu. (2019). EU-China – A Strategic Outlook. https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/default/files/communication-eu-china-a-strategic-outlook.pdf (Erişim: 16.03.2021).
  • Geeraerts, G. (2019). The EU-China Partnership: Balancing between Divergence and Convergence. Asia Europe Journal, 17, 281-294.
  • Giusti, S. (2013). China: An Emerging Stakeholder in Eastern Europe. ISPI Analysis, 53.
  • Gruebler, J. (2020). The People’s Republic of China Connecting Europe?. ADBI Working Paper, 1178.
  • Hackler. M. (2020). Rapprochement amid Readjustment: How China Sees Issues and Trends in its Changing Relationship with the EU. Asia Europe Journal, 18, 251-258.
  • Hala, M. (2018a). Europe’s new ‘Eastern bloc. Politico https://www.politico.eu/article/europes-new-eastern-bloc-china-economy-model-belt-road-initiative/ (Erişim: 15.05.2021).
  • ---. (2018b). Forging a New “Eastern Bloc”. Journal of Democracy, 29(2), 83-89.
  • Jaklič, A. ve M. Svetličič. (2019). China and Central and Eastern European Countries within ‘16+1’: Group or Bilateral Relations?. Entrepreneurial Business and Economics Review, 7(2), 83-100.
  • Jing, L. (2016). The Transition of EU’s Attitude Towards “16+1”. Afterthoughts: Riga 2016 International Forum of China and Central and Eastern European Countries. Latvian Institute of International Affairs.
  • Kaczmarski, M. ve J. Jakóbowski. (2015). China on Central-Eastern Europe: ‘16+1’ as Seen from Beijing. OSW Commentary, 166.
  • Kavalski, E. (2019). China in Central and Eastern Europe: the unintended effects of identity narratives. Asia-Europe Journal, 17, 403-419.
  • ---. (2020). The Unexpected Consequences of China’s Cooperation with Central and Eastern Europe. International Studies, 57(1), 1-19.
  • Khaze, N. M. ve X. Wang. (2021). Is China’s rising influence in the Western Balkans a threat to European integration?. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 29(2), 1-17.
  • Kowalski, B. (2020). Central and Eastern Europe, China’s Core Interests, and the Limits of Relational Politics: Lessons from the Czech Republic in the 2010s. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 20(10), 1-24.
  • Kuzemko, C. (2014). Ideas, power and change: explaining EU–Russia energy relations. Journal of European Public Policy, 21(1), 58-75.
  • Lubina, M. (2019). Three boards: security, economy and the new unknown: The complicated relationship between China and Central and Eastern Europe. Nowa Polityka Wschodnia, 4(23), 61-81.
  • Makkat, D. (2019). China in Europe: Intra-EU Factionalism and its Impacts on Chinese Presence in Europe. Chennai Center for China Studies Issue Map. https://www.c3sindia.org/business-economics/china-in-europe-intra-eu-factionalism-and-its-impacts-on-chinese-presence-in-europe-by-devika-makkat/ (Erişim: 13.03.2021).
  • Morozowski. T. (2020). Don’t Make a Rival Out of the Dragon: Rethinking the EU-China Policy. The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies, 1, 41-62.
  • Pavlićević. D. (2019). Structural power and the China-EU-Western Balkans triangular relations. Asia Europe Journal, 17, 453-468.
  • Peneva, T. (2020). China’s Silk Road to Europe – Strategies and Investment. Economic Studies, 29(3), 29-60.
  • Pepe, J. M. (2017). China’s Inroads into Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe: Implications for Germany and the EU. SSOAR Working Paper, 3.
  • Richet, X. (2019). The Chinese presence on the periphery of Europe. The "17 + 1 Format": The Trojan horse of China?. Global Economic Observer, 7(1), 152-167.
  • Rogelja, I. ve K. Tsimonis. (2020). Narrating the China Threat: Securitising Chinese Economic Presence in Europe. The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 13(1), 103-133.
  • Song, L. ve D. Pavlićević. (2019). China’s Multilayered Multilateralism: A Case Study of China and Central and Eastern Europe Cooperation Framework. Chinese Political Science Review, 4, 277-302.
  • Song, W. ve L. Song. (2020). Assessing China’s ‘16+1 Cooperation’ with Central and Eastern Europe: A Public Good Perspective. Francisco B. S. José Leandro ve Paulo Afonso B. Duartes (Der.). The Belt and Road Initiative: An Old Archetype of a New Development Model. Londra: Palgrave Macmillan, 411-432.
  • Šteinbuka, I. T. Muravska ve A. Kuznieks. (2017). Cooperation Formats of China and Europe: Synergies and Divergences. Baltic Journal of European Studies, 7(1), 97-117.
  • Szczudlik, J. (2015). Coming out of the shadows: The Polish perspective on China–Central and Eastern Europe relations. International Issues & Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs, 24(3), 49–59.
  • Szunomár, Á. (2018). One Belt, One Road: Connecting China with Central and Eastern Europe?. Yu Cheng, Lilei Sung, Lihe Huang (Der.). The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena, Londra: Palgrave Macmillan, 71-85.
  • Turcsányi. R. (2020). China and the Frustrated Region: Central and Eastern Europe’s Repeating Troubles with Great Powers. China Report, 56(1), 60-77.
  • Turcsányi, R. ve R. Qiaoan. (2020). Friends or foes? How diverging views of communist past undermine the China-CEE ‘16+1 platform’. Asia Europe Journal, 18, 397-412.
  • Vangeli. A. (2018). 16+1 and the re-emergence of the China Threat Theory in Europe. China-CEE Institute Working Paper, 19.
  • Wang, X., J. Ruet ve X. Richet. (2017). One Belt One Road and the reconfiguration of China-EU relations. CEPN Paper, 4. Yıldırım, N. E. (2020). Kuşak ve Yol Girişiminin Finansmanı: Çin’in Borç Tuzağı Mı?. Alternatif Politika, 12(3), 621-643.

UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES OF 17+1 PLATFORM: IS EUROPE DRIFTING APART AGAIN?

Yıl 2021, , 187 - 210, 17.12.2021
https://doi.org/10.53791/imgelem.980267

Öz

In the post-2000 period, China achieved one of the most important economic miracles in world history. The priorities of Chinese foreign policy have been determined in a way that will contribute to the country's achievement of its economic goals. The 17+1 Platform, which was launched primarily for the strengthening of the economic ties between China and 17 countries located in Eastern Europe, is also a foreign policy mechanism serving the country’s economic interests. The 17+1 Platform has brought China together with a region where Europe traditionally gained power and influence as a result of the changing balances after the Cold War. Within the scope of this study, whether China is seeking to become an alternative to the EU in the Eastern Europe through 17+1 Platform will be analyzed on the basis of the unintended consequences concept. After providing the concept of unintended consequences briefly, the operation of the 17+1 Platform, the parties’ and EU’s perceptions of the Platform, and the historical dimension of China-EU relations are elaborated. At the end of the study, it is aimed to make an inference about the future of the relationship between China and the EU through the example of 17+1 Platform.

Kaynakça

  • Benner, T. ve J. Weidenfeld. (2018). Europe, don’t let China divide and conquer. Politico, https://www.politico.eu/article/europe-china-divide-and-conquer/ Erişim: 22.06.2021).
  • Berkofsky, A. (2019). China and the EU: “Strategic Partners” No More. Institute for Security and Development Policy Issue Brief.
  • Brattberg, E. ve P. Le Corre. (2020). The EU and China in 2020: More Competition Ahead. Carniege Endowment for International Peace. https://carnegieendowment.org/2020/02/19/eu-and-china-in-2020-more-competition-ahead-pub-81096 (Erişim: 22.05.2021).
  • Budeanu, A. I. (2018). 16+1 in China-EU Relations: A Vehicle for a Sustainable Connectivity Platform. China-CEE Institute Working Paper.
  • Avrupa Birliği Dış İlişkiler Birimi. (2013). EU-China 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation. https://eeas.europa.eu/archives/docs/china/docs/eu-china_2020_strategic_agenda_en.pdf (Erişim: 08.04.2021).
  • ---. (2020). EU-China Relations Factsheet. https://eeas.europa.eu/topics/external-investment-plan/34728/eu-china-relations-factsheet_en (Erişim: 16.03.2021).
  • Avrupa Komisyonu. (2019). EU-China – A Strategic Outlook. https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/default/files/communication-eu-china-a-strategic-outlook.pdf (Erişim: 16.03.2021).
  • Geeraerts, G. (2019). The EU-China Partnership: Balancing between Divergence and Convergence. Asia Europe Journal, 17, 281-294.
  • Giusti, S. (2013). China: An Emerging Stakeholder in Eastern Europe. ISPI Analysis, 53.
  • Gruebler, J. (2020). The People’s Republic of China Connecting Europe?. ADBI Working Paper, 1178.
  • Hackler. M. (2020). Rapprochement amid Readjustment: How China Sees Issues and Trends in its Changing Relationship with the EU. Asia Europe Journal, 18, 251-258.
  • Hala, M. (2018a). Europe’s new ‘Eastern bloc. Politico https://www.politico.eu/article/europes-new-eastern-bloc-china-economy-model-belt-road-initiative/ (Erişim: 15.05.2021).
  • ---. (2018b). Forging a New “Eastern Bloc”. Journal of Democracy, 29(2), 83-89.
  • Jaklič, A. ve M. Svetličič. (2019). China and Central and Eastern European Countries within ‘16+1’: Group or Bilateral Relations?. Entrepreneurial Business and Economics Review, 7(2), 83-100.
  • Jing, L. (2016). The Transition of EU’s Attitude Towards “16+1”. Afterthoughts: Riga 2016 International Forum of China and Central and Eastern European Countries. Latvian Institute of International Affairs.
  • Kaczmarski, M. ve J. Jakóbowski. (2015). China on Central-Eastern Europe: ‘16+1’ as Seen from Beijing. OSW Commentary, 166.
  • Kavalski, E. (2019). China in Central and Eastern Europe: the unintended effects of identity narratives. Asia-Europe Journal, 17, 403-419.
  • ---. (2020). The Unexpected Consequences of China’s Cooperation with Central and Eastern Europe. International Studies, 57(1), 1-19.
  • Khaze, N. M. ve X. Wang. (2021). Is China’s rising influence in the Western Balkans a threat to European integration?. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 29(2), 1-17.
  • Kowalski, B. (2020). Central and Eastern Europe, China’s Core Interests, and the Limits of Relational Politics: Lessons from the Czech Republic in the 2010s. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures, 20(10), 1-24.
  • Kuzemko, C. (2014). Ideas, power and change: explaining EU–Russia energy relations. Journal of European Public Policy, 21(1), 58-75.
  • Lubina, M. (2019). Three boards: security, economy and the new unknown: The complicated relationship between China and Central and Eastern Europe. Nowa Polityka Wschodnia, 4(23), 61-81.
  • Makkat, D. (2019). China in Europe: Intra-EU Factionalism and its Impacts on Chinese Presence in Europe. Chennai Center for China Studies Issue Map. https://www.c3sindia.org/business-economics/china-in-europe-intra-eu-factionalism-and-its-impacts-on-chinese-presence-in-europe-by-devika-makkat/ (Erişim: 13.03.2021).
  • Morozowski. T. (2020). Don’t Make a Rival Out of the Dragon: Rethinking the EU-China Policy. The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies, 1, 41-62.
  • Pavlićević. D. (2019). Structural power and the China-EU-Western Balkans triangular relations. Asia Europe Journal, 17, 453-468.
  • Peneva, T. (2020). China’s Silk Road to Europe – Strategies and Investment. Economic Studies, 29(3), 29-60.
  • Pepe, J. M. (2017). China’s Inroads into Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe: Implications for Germany and the EU. SSOAR Working Paper, 3.
  • Richet, X. (2019). The Chinese presence on the periphery of Europe. The "17 + 1 Format": The Trojan horse of China?. Global Economic Observer, 7(1), 152-167.
  • Rogelja, I. ve K. Tsimonis. (2020). Narrating the China Threat: Securitising Chinese Economic Presence in Europe. The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 13(1), 103-133.
  • Song, L. ve D. Pavlićević. (2019). China’s Multilayered Multilateralism: A Case Study of China and Central and Eastern Europe Cooperation Framework. Chinese Political Science Review, 4, 277-302.
  • Song, W. ve L. Song. (2020). Assessing China’s ‘16+1 Cooperation’ with Central and Eastern Europe: A Public Good Perspective. Francisco B. S. José Leandro ve Paulo Afonso B. Duartes (Der.). The Belt and Road Initiative: An Old Archetype of a New Development Model. Londra: Palgrave Macmillan, 411-432.
  • Šteinbuka, I. T. Muravska ve A. Kuznieks. (2017). Cooperation Formats of China and Europe: Synergies and Divergences. Baltic Journal of European Studies, 7(1), 97-117.
  • Szczudlik, J. (2015). Coming out of the shadows: The Polish perspective on China–Central and Eastern Europe relations. International Issues & Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs, 24(3), 49–59.
  • Szunomár, Á. (2018). One Belt, One Road: Connecting China with Central and Eastern Europe?. Yu Cheng, Lilei Sung, Lihe Huang (Der.). The Belt & Road Initiative in the Global Arena, Londra: Palgrave Macmillan, 71-85.
  • Turcsányi. R. (2020). China and the Frustrated Region: Central and Eastern Europe’s Repeating Troubles with Great Powers. China Report, 56(1), 60-77.
  • Turcsányi, R. ve R. Qiaoan. (2020). Friends or foes? How diverging views of communist past undermine the China-CEE ‘16+1 platform’. Asia Europe Journal, 18, 397-412.
  • Vangeli. A. (2018). 16+1 and the re-emergence of the China Threat Theory in Europe. China-CEE Institute Working Paper, 19.
  • Wang, X., J. Ruet ve X. Richet. (2017). One Belt One Road and the reconfiguration of China-EU relations. CEPN Paper, 4. Yıldırım, N. E. (2020). Kuşak ve Yol Girişiminin Finansmanı: Çin’in Borç Tuzağı Mı?. Alternatif Politika, 12(3), 621-643.
Toplam 38 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil Türkçe
Konular Siyaset Bilimi
Bölüm Makaleler
Yazarlar

Seven Erdoğan 0000-0001-9991-2074

Yayımlanma Tarihi 17 Aralık 2021
Gönderilme Tarihi 8 Ağustos 2021
Kabul Tarihi 18 Eylül 2021
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2021

Kaynak Göster

APA Erdoğan, S. (2021). 17+1 PLATFORMU’NUN BEKLENMEYEN SONUÇLARI: AVRUPA YENİDEN Mİ BÖLÜNÜYOR?. İmgelem, 5(9), 187-210. https://doi.org/10.53791/imgelem.980267

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