Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü Üzerinden Rejim Güvenliği ve Demokratik Gelişmeyi Yeniden Düşünmek

Yıl 2025, Cilt: 20 Sayı: 2, 400 - 415

Fazlı Doğan , Birol Akgün

https://doi.org/10.17153/oguiibf.1551402

Öz

Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü (ŞİÖ), Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde Avrasya'da ortaya çıkan ve Batılı liberal örgütlerden farklı olarak farklı önceliklere sahip bölgesel bir uluslararası örgüttür. Bu açıdan ŞİÖ, geleneksel olmayan tehditlere karşı geleneksel olmayan bir uluslararası entegrasyondur. ŞİÖ'nün kurumsal yapısı, rejim güvenliği olarak da anlaşılabilecek şekilde üç şeytan olarak adlandırılan tehditler terörizm, aşırılık ve ayrılıkçılığa karşı mücadele edecek şekilde şekillendirilmiştir. Bu çalışma, ŞİÖ'nün önceliklerinden birinin üyelerinin rejim güvenliğini sağlamak olduğunu ileri sürmektedir. ŞİÖ'nün rejim güvenliği, istikrar ve ekonomik kalkınma gibi katkılar ile özellikle de, Orta Asyalı Türk Üyelerine (CATM) ulus inşası ve demokratik kalkınma için bir temel sağlayabileceği sonucuna varabiliriz.

Anahtar Kelimeler

Rejim güvenliği, Üç Şeytan, CATM, Demokratikleşme, Karşılıklı Tanıma İlkesi

Etik Beyan

Çalışma hazırlanırken Etik kurallara uyulmuş olup herhangi bir etik ihlali yoktur.

Rethinking the Regime Security and Democratic Development through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

Öz

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a regional international organization that emerged in Eurasia in the post-Cold War period and has different priorities, unlike Western liberal organizations. In this respect, SCO is an unconventional international integration against non-traditional threats. SCO's institutional structure has been functionalized to serve security, understood as regime security against the threats of three evils: terrorism, extremism, and separatism. This study argues that one of the priorities of the SCO is to ensure regime security for its members. We can conclude that SCO can provide an essential basis for nation-building and democratic development among Central Asian Turkic Members (CATM).

Anahtar Kelimeler

Regime Security, Three evils, Mutual Recognation Principle, Democratization, CATM

Etik Beyan

Bu çalışma bilimsel araştırma ve yayın etiği kurallarına uygun olarak hazırlanmıştır.

Kaynakça

• AA. (2024). Özbekistan'daki Referandumda Oy Kullanma Oranı yüzde 84,54 Oldu. https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/dunya/ozbekistandaki-referandumda-oy-kullanma-orani-yuzde-84-54-oldu/2885668 (accessed May 20, 2024).
• Akbarzadeh, S.. (2015). Iran and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Ideology and Realpolitik in Iranian Foreign Policy. Australian Journal of International Affairs. 69 (1), 88–103.
• Ambrosio, T. (2008). Catching the ‘Shanghai Spirit’: How the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Promotes Authoritarian Norms in Central Asia. Europe-Asia Studies. 60 (8), 1321-1344.
• Ambrosio, T. (2017). The Architecture of Alignment: The Russia–China Relationship and International Agreements. Europe-Asia Studies. 69 (1), 110-156.
• Amrita, J. (2023). India–China Rivalry: The Contest That Is Shaping the “Asian Century.” The International Spectator. 58 (3), 113-130.
• Aris, S. (2009a), A New Model of Asian Regionalism: Does the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Have more Potential than ASIAN?. Cambridge Review of International Affairs. 22 (3), 451-467.
• Aris, S. (2009b). The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: ‘Tackling the Three Evils’. A Regional Response to Non-traditional Security Challenges or an Anti-Western Bloc? Europe-Asia Studies. 61 (3), 457-482.
• Aris, S. (2012). The Response of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to the Crisis in Kyrgyzstan. Civil Wars. 14 (3), 451-476.
• Aris, S. & Snetkov, A. (2013). Global Alternatives, Regional Stability, and Common Causes: the International Politics of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its Relationship to the West. Eurasian Geography and Economics. 54 (2), 202-226.
• Barelli, M. (2018). Preventing and Responding to Atrocity Crimes: China, Sovereignty and the Responsibility to Protect. Journal of Conflict and Security Law. 33 (2), 173-201.
• Baubek, S. et al. (2015). Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its Activities in Ensuring Human and Social Security. Anthropologist. 22 (3), 510-517.
• BBC Türkçe. (2024). Özbekistan'da Anayasa Değişikliği: Devlet Başkanı Mirziyoyev 2040'a Kadar Görevde Kalabilecek. https://www.bbc.com/turkce/articles/cll1qm06zqvo (accessed June 25, 2024).
• Bisley, N. (2019). Contested Asia's ‘New’ Multilateralism and Regional Order. The Pacific Review. 32 (2), 221-231. Brownlee, J. (2017). The Limited Reach of Authoritarian Powers. Democratization. 24 (7), 1326-1344.
• Chen, D. P. (2015). Security, Domestic Divisions, and the KMT’s Post-2008 ‘One China’ Policy: a Neoclassical Realist Analysis. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific. 15 (2), 319-365.
• Chung, C. (2004). The Shanghai Co-operation Organization: China’s Changing Influence in Central Asia. The China Quarterly. 180, 989-1009.
• Chung, C. (2006). China and the Institutionalization of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Problems of Post-Communism. 53 (5), 3-14.
• Çolakoğlu, S. (2004). Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü’nün Geleceği ve Çin. Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 1 (1), 173-197. Cooley, A. (2008). U.S. Bases and Democratization in Central Asia. Orbis. 52 (1), 65-90.
• Cooley, A. (2019). Ordering Eurasia: The Rise and Decline of Liberal Internationalism in the Post-Communist Space. Security Studies. 28 (3), 588-613.
• Cooper, A. F. & Stubbs, R. (2017). Contending Regionalisms: Hubs and Challengers in the Americas and the Asia-Pacific. The Pacific Review. 30 (5), 615-632.
• Crosston, M. (2013). The Pluto of International Organizations: Micro-Agendas, IO Theory, and Dismissing the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Comparative Strategy. 32 (3), 283-294.
• CSTO. (2024). Collective Security Treaty Organization. https://en.odkb-csto.org (accessed June 30, 2024).
• Dadabaev, T. (2014). Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Regional Identity Formation from the Perspective of the Central Asia States. Journal of Contemporary China. 23 (85), 102-118.
• Dellmuth, L. M. & Tallberg, J. (2021). Elite Communication and the Popular Legitimacy of International Organizations. British Journal of Political Science. 51 (3), 1292-1313.
• Dodlova, M. & Lucas, V. (2021). Regime Security and Taxation in Autocracies: Who is Taxed and How? European Journal of Political Economy. 67, 1-15.
• Dreyer, E. L. (2008). The Myth of “One China”. Peter C. Y. Chow (ed.). The “One China” Dilemma, New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Fawcett, L. (2008). Regional Institutions. Paul D. Williams ed. Security Studies: an Introduction. New York: Routledge.
• Finley, J. S. (2019). Securitization, insecurity, and conflict in contemporary Xinjiang: has PRC counter-terrorism evolved into state terror? Central Asian Survey. 38 (1), 1-26.
• Gorbunova, M. L. & Komarov, I. D. (2017). Emerging Integration Projects in Eurasia: a Search for New Cooperation Formats?. Journal of Chinese Economic and Business Studies. 15 (3), 229-247.
• Gunaratna, R. et al. (2010). Ethnic Identity and National Conflict in China, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Guo, R. (2013). China’s Multicultural Economies: Social and Economic Indicators, New York: Springer.
• Haas, M. (2016). War Games of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization: Drills on the Move. Journal of Slavic Military Studies. 29 (3), 378-406.
• Hou, P. (2023). Bridge or Base? Chinese Perceptions of Central Asia Under Europeanisation. Central Asian Survey. 42 (3), 577-596.
• https://eng.sectsco.org (accessed June 30, 2024).
• https://eng.sectsco.org/about_sco/ (accessed June 30, 2024).
• Hu, A. (2014). China’s Collective Presidency, New York: Springer.
• Hudson, V. (2022). The Impact of Russian Soft Power in Kazakhstan: Creating an Enabling Environment for Cooperation between Nur-Sultan and Moscow. Journal of Political Power. 15 (3), 469-494.
• Jim, Darren J. & Ikenberry, J. (2023). China and the Logic of Illiberal Hegemony. Security Studies. 32 (1), 1-31.
• Kneuer, M. et al. (2018). Playing the Regional Card: Why and How Authoritarian Gravity Centres Exploit Regional Organisations. Third World Quarterly. 40 (3), 451-470.
• Komaiko, R. (2009). The hegemon’s Dilemma: Internalizing International Terrorism. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression. 1 (1), 40-49.
• Kranz, J. (2014). Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Sovereign Democracy: Some Remarks on the Annexation of Crimea by Russia. Archiv des Völkerrechts. 52 (2), 205-221.
• Krastev, I. (2006). "Sovereign Democracy", Russian-Style. Insight Turkey. 8 (4) 113-117.
• Legerton, C. & Rawson, J. (2009). Invisible China: A Journey Through Ethnic Borderlands. Chicago: Chicago Review Press.
• Liu, A. P. L. (1992). Symbols and Repression at Tiananmen Square, April-June 1989. Political Psychology. 13 (1), 45-60.
• Liu, A. P. L. (2009). Rebirth and Secularization of the Central Party School in China. The China Journal. 62, 105-125. Lukin, A. (2016). Russia’s Pivot to Asia: Myth or Reality? Strategic Analysis. 40 (6), 573-589.
• Mackerras, C. (2003). China’s Ethnic Minorities and Globalisation, London: Routledge Curzon. Mohsina, N. et al. (2019). Muslims and an Inclusive India under Modi 2.0. ISAS Insight, 569. https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/ISAS-Insight-569_Nazneen-Mustafa-Tahira-Compressed.pdf (accessed November 15, 2024).
• Movkebaeva, G. A. (2013). Energy Cooperation among Kazakhstan, Russia, and China within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Russian Politics & Law. 51 (1), 80-87.
• Müller, H. (2018). Pokhran 20 Years After: Did the World Change? Strategic Analysis. 42 (3), 194-207.
• Norling, N. & Swanström, N. (2007). The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Trade, and the Roles of Iran, India, and Pakistan. Central Asian Survey. 26 (3), 429-444.
• Pantucci, R. & Niva, Y. (2022). Paving the Digital Silk Road with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. The RUSI Journal. 167 (3) 28-41.
• Pirinçci, F. (2024). Özbekistan’da Devam Eden Reform Rüzgarı. https://www.setav.org/ozbekistanda-devam-eden-reform-ruzgari/ (accessed June 25, 2024).
• Rajagopalan, R. (2019). Did India Lose China? The Washington Quarterly. 42(1), 71-87.
• Rensburg, W. J. et al. (2022). Parliaments’ Contributions to Security Sector Governance/Reform and the Sustainable Development Goals: Testing Parliaments’ Resolve in Security Sector Governance During Covid-19. London: Ubiquity Press.
• Rodríguez-Merino, P. A. (2019). Old ‘Counter-Revolution,’ New ‘Terrorism’: Historicizing the Framing of Violence in Xinjiang by the Chinese State. Central Asian Survey. 38 (1), 27-45.
• Rothacher, A. (2008). Allying with an Evil Axis?: The Ambivalent Role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in Central Asia. The RUSI Journal. 153 (1), 68-73.
• Roy, M. S. (2012). India’s Options in Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Strategic Analysis. 36 (4), 645-650. Russo, A. & Gawrich, A. (2017). Overlap with contestation? Comparing Norms and Policies of Regional Organizations in the Post-Soviet Space. Central Asian Survey. 36 (3), 331-352.
• Saich, T. (2004). Governance and politics of China. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Samokhvalov, V. (2018). Russia and its Shared Neighborhoods: a Comparative Analysis of Russia-EU and Russia-China Relations in the EU's Eastern Neighborhood and Central Asia. Contemporary Politics. 24 (1), 30-45.
• Scobell, A. (2023). China’s Minimalist Global Military Posture: Great Power Lite?. Asian Security. 19 (1), 1-25.
• Sharshenova, A. & Crawford, G. (2017). Undermining Western Democracy Promotion in Central Asia: China's Countervailing Influences, Powers and Impact. Central Asian Survey. 36 (4), 453-472.
• Shih, C. (2007). Autonomy, Ethnicity, and Poverty in Southwestern China: The State Turned Upside Down. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Sim, L. & Aminjonov, F. (2022). Statecraft in the Steppes: Central Asia’s Relations with China. Journal of Contemporary China, 33, (148), 618-633.
• Skalamera, M. (2017). Russia’s Lasting Influence in Central Asia. Survival. 59 (6), 123-142.
• Teitt, S. (2008). China and the Responsibility to Protect. Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect. https://r2pasiapacific.org/files/451/china_and_r2P_2008_report.pdf (accessed May 20, 2024).
• Wallace, T. (2014). China and the Regional Counter-Terrorism Structure: An Organizational Analysis. Asian Security. 10 (3), 199-220.
• Ward, A. & Hackett, J. (2006). The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Strategic Comments. 12 (6), 1-2.
• Wei, C. (2016). China–Taiwan Relations and the 1992 Consensus, 2000−2008. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific. 16 (1), 67-95.
• Xianghong, Z. (2019). The Global Governance of Terrorism: An Assessment of Different Regimes. Social Sciences in China. 40 (1), 100-126.
• Xu, B. & Reisinger, W. M. (2018). Russia's energy diplomacy with China: Personalism and Institutionalism in its Policy-Making Process. The Pacific Review. 32 (1), 1-19.
• Yuan, J. (2010). China’s Role in Establishing and Building the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Journal of Contemporary China. 19 (6): 855-869.
• Zhao, S. (2018). A Revisionist Stakeholder: China and the Post-World War II World Order, Journal of Contemporary China. 27 (113), 643-658.